“A propaganda system will consistently portray people abused in enemy States as worthy victims, whereas those treated with equal or greater severity by its own government or clients will be unworthy. The evidence of worth may be read from the extent and character of attention and indignation.” (Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent)
In active conflicts, women are disproportionately impacted, becoming victims of brutality and violence. Gaza is no exception. Since the latest phase of violence, more than thirty thousand civilians have been killed, most of the casualties being women and children. Due to the impediments faced by foreign agencies in accessing the data, and the credibility of the Gaza Health Ministry being brought into question by Israel and its allies because it is controlled by Hamas, the real figures remain shrouded in mystery (Relief Web, 2024). However, the question of the ‘technicality’ in assessing the ‘real’ figures should not dissuade from the fact that fatalities are still in the thousands. With the threat of an all-out regional war looming large over the horizon, the situation is likely to worsen. Given the precarious situation women in Gaza face, it is important to revisit the basic tenets of the Women in Peace and Security agenda and reflect upon their relevance. The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda was formally established by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) with the adoption of Resolution 1325 on 31 October 2000, marking the first time the UNSC recognized the disproportionate impact of conflict on women and their critical role in peacebuilding, conflict resolution, and post-conflict reconstruction. The WPS Agenda's roots trace back to the global women's movement and international efforts to address gender inequality, with the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing serving as a significant milestone, where the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action highlighted the importance of women's participation in peace and security. Resolution 1325 called for increased participation of women at all levels of decision-making in conflict prevention, management, and resolution, urging member states to protect women and girls from gender-based violence, particularly during armed conflicts, and to ensure that women's needs are addressed in post-conflict recovery and peacebuilding efforts. Several subsequent UNSC resolutions expanded and strengthened the WPS Agenda which focused on increasing women's participation in peace processes and ensuring their needs are met in post-conflict situations.
Gaza and the WPS Agenda: testing the limits
The WPS agenda seeks to ensure women's equal participation in peace and conflict matters. However, these ideals have been sorely tested in Gaza. The conflict, which has raged for nine months, has resulted in over thirty thousand civilian deaths, with women disproportionately affected. The media's narrative bias and the growing Iran-Israel crisis further underscore the gravity of the situation, making Gaza a critical test for international humanitarian discourse.
The plight of women in Gaza, coupled with the lukewarm response from gender activists and organizations, raises serious questions about the agenda's practical value.
Thousands of women have lost their lives; thousands continue to live in sub-optimal conditions, including many pregnant women. To grasp the nuanced impact of conflict on women, it is crucial to consider factors such as the effects on education and health, as well as how allegations of sexual violence have compromised women’s lived experiences during these testing times in Palestine; something that was never easier for the Palestinian women even before the latest phase of violence. Palestinian women have faced several challenges in navigating their lives under the military occupation of Israel (Al Jazeera, 2016).
The impact on education
According to a report, around 80 percent of schools have been destroyed in Gaza (Guardian, 2024). According to a UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East) report, thousands of students have lost access to education since the beginning of this phase of conflict (Middle East Monitor, 2024). The schools run by the UNRWA have not been spared; around two-thirds of the schools have been destroyed (UNRWA, 2024). Additionally, major Gazan universities and colleges have been reduced to rubble. The UN has termed this erasure of scholastic institutions as ‘scholasticide’ (OHCHR, 2024). According to the Palestinian News and Information Agency (WAFA), since the beginning of the Israeli aggression, more than 620,000 students in the Gaza Strip have been deprived of attending their schools, including 39,000 high school students (Gulf Times, 2024). Due to the continued displacement caused by the conflict, it has become extremely hard for children to access education, particularly women and girls. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) (1979) mentioned the right to education under Article 10. However, given the handful of opportunities Palestinian women had in Gaza and the West Bank (Salem, 2023), the conflict has proven detrimental to their availability. At 88 percent, the female literacy rate in Palestine remains high (RASIT, 2024). However, for women, the dual challenge of navigating the reality of living under a brutal military regime and internal patriarchal construct had a deep psychological impact. It prevented many women from pursuing higher education despite wanting to (Shalhoub-Kevorikan, 2012). With the contemporary scale of violence and the intensity of conflict rendering the education infrastructure non-viable, the situation will only get worse for women. It is challenging for the youth to have make-shift schools/institutions in tents because the refugee camps are not safe either, from the constant bombardment. Hence, the education prospects of women face stiff hurdles and lingering uncertainties. However, it is not just the educational infrastructure which has suffered crippling damages in the due course of the conflict. The health infrastructure is in no better shape which has also impacted the overall well-being of women severely.
Dilapidated health infrastructure and women's ordeal in Gaza
There have not been many functional hospitals left in Gaza, with reports of essential health facilities reaching abysmal levels in terms of availability. Out of 36 functional hospitals, 31 have been destroyed (ECHO, 2024). Less than 20% of healthcare facilities in Gaza remain functional, exacerbated by constant bombardment and an aid blockade. Pregnant women face severe challenges accessing basic facilities, leading to stillbirths and miscarriages. The number of miscarriages has increased by 300 percent; around 80 percent of health facilities, including maternity wards have been decimated (Kvinna, 2024).
Women have been forced to give birth in shelters, in their homes, in the streets amid rubble, or in overwhelmed healthcare facilities, where sanitation is worsening, and the risk of infection and medical complications is on the rise (WHO, 2024).
The lack of essential menstrual hygiene products has forced women to resort to extreme measures; reports of women using leaves in place of sanitary napkins have emerged. It has been reported that several women died due to pregnancy-related complications because of the unavailability of proper maternity healthcare (Washington Post, 2024). The spread of various infections like HPV, and Reproductive Tract Infections due to the lack of proper resources is a major health concern. Moreover, the psychological toll of the conflict has led to worsening mental health issues among men, women, and children. The lack of proper mental health facilities has an escalatory impact on the individual crisis faced by the displaced people. Such large-scale violence, loss of dear ones, and constant bombardment compelled people to deal with the trauma and stress without any assistance or redress. Various blockades faced by the aid-delivering agents have also taken a toll on the physical and mental well-being of the patients, especially women (Al Jazeera, 2024). Such a situation has created a health catastrophe in the entire Gaza Strip. The attack on aid workers and medical professionals does not help either. Besides the toll on mental and physical health, the conflict has also exposed women to increased sexual violence.
The spectre of sexual violence
The lack of involvement from the leading feminist organisations in gauging the impact of violence and destruction upon Palestinian women leads one to question if the WPS agenda has lost its steam.
Resolution 1820 (2008) addresses sexual violence as a weapon of war, calling for an end to impunity for such crimes. Resolution 1888 (2009) established mechanisms to strengthen efforts to combat sexual violence in conflict, including appointing a Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict. In other words, both resolutions address the prevalence of sexual violence during a conflict. The allegations of weaponisation of sexual violence in Gaza predate the October 7 aftermath. Palestinian activists have accused the Israeli forces of physical violence/assault of female prisoners, and Palestinian women living under military occupation (Shalhoub-Kevorikan, 2012). It is important to note that while the international community quickly condemned sexual violence against Israeli women by Hamas, similar allegations made by Gazan women against Israeli troops have not received the same attention. The reports of detained Palestinian women being stripped-search by male soldiers invited widespread condemnation from humanitarian organisations and actors (OHCHR, 2024). The weaponisation of sexual violence by perpetrators against the enemy serves three purposes: it humiliates the men, dehumanises the women of the enemy group—reinforcing their objectified status—and insults the broader norms and regulations of the group's identity concerning women. The dehumanisation does not stop at the sexual violence though. For instance, the mistreatment of detained women is another major humanitarian concern. Photos of Israeli soldiers, men and women, posing with detained Palestinian civilians, men and women, have been doing rounds on the Internet for many years. Despite the numerous instances of systemic injustices and gross violations of human rights in the ongoing Hamas-Israel conflict, the response of the leading humanitarian organisations and actors (barring a few) has been dismal. The inability of the international community to lend a helping hand to the depraved population has revealed glaring faultlines in the wider understanding of conflict. The lack of involvement from the leading feminist organisations in gauging the impact of violence and destruction upon Palestinian women leads one to question if the WPS agenda has lost its steam. The understanding of the ‘victim’ in the current discourse needs to happen from a nuanced perspective to answer this question.
Perfect victim or collateral damage?
One of the core ideas propagated by the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda is that women are not merely 'collaterals' in war and conflict situations but active participants. Therefore, it is crucial to understand women's voices to achieve a peaceful resolution. However, Gazan women have been largely invisible in forums advocating for women's rights in war and peace. The stark difference in the response of leading feminist organisations to women's protests in Iran compared to the plight of Palestinian women highlights the notion of the "perfect victim" in Western understanding. For instance, one of the key criticisms faced by refugee studies, dominated by Western academia, is regarding the portrayal of women from Third World countries fleeing conflict. To gain attention, the victim must be "perfect"—without agency, willing to leave her "oppressive" culture, and ready to be spoken for. This image of an agency-less victim, allegedly oppressed by her "violent" culture, forms the basis of an orientalist understanding of third-world cultures (Sircar, 2009). The neglect of Palestinian women must be understood within this broader context. The Palestinian women do not fit this description because the perpetrators do not belong to the commonly understood ‘oppressive’ cultures. Therefore, Palestinian women are often reduced to another archetype—collaterals in war.
This is the dominant narrative propagated by proponents of the current conflict in Palestine. Palestinian women are being reduced to 'collaterals' in war. This stance has been criticised, highlighting the discrepancy in the response accorded to the Ukrainian victims of Russian aggression and that given to Palestinian women. Moreover, the difference between the reaction evoked in the case of the Iranian protest led by women and the plight of Palestinian women further consolidates this ingrained approach. It has brought the whole edifice of the WPS agenda into question, discussed in the next paragraph.
Relevance of the WPS Agenda and a Gazan Experience
The WPS Agenda designed to address the unique impact of conflict on women, and elevate them to the status of active participants, has failed to ensure the same for Palestinian women.
The ordeal of Gazan women has effectively highlighted the shortcomings of the WPS agenda. It has also exposed a critical gap in the international community's ability to protect vulnerable populations in conflict zones. The WPS Agenda designed to address the unique impact of conflict on women, and elevate them to the status of active participants, has failed to ensure the same for Palestinian women. There has been a striking failure to uphold humanitarian principles despite the clear and present dangers faced by Palestinian women during the ongoing conflict. The international community has not only been slow to respond but has also exhibited a troubling lack of commitment to alleviating the suffering of these women. Humanitarian aid has been sporadic and inadequate, leaving women and children particularly exposed to the horrors of war. The absence of serious initiatives to protect women from violence has been evident in the lack of coordinated international efforts. Despite numerous reports of gender-based violence and other atrocities, there has been little meaningful action from feminist organisations to prevent such crimes (Aldossari, 2024). The WPS Agenda’s goals of prevention, protection, and participation have been largely sidelined with Palestinian women finding themselves increasingly isolated and vulnerable. The complexities of the conflict, including the deep-seated difficulties in rapprochement between major stakeholders and the looming threat of a broader regional conflict, have further exacerbated the situation. The ongoing loss of lives, coupled with the widespread devastation in Gaza, has severely tested the effectiveness of the international humanitarian provisions. The failure to address the specific needs of women in this context not only undermines the WPS Agenda but also calls into question the broader commitment of the international community to gender equality and human rights in conflict settings. As the conflict continues, the plight of women serves as a stark reminder of the urgent need for a more robust and responsive international framework that genuinely prioritises the protection and empowerment of women in times of war.
Conclusion
It can be safely concluded that the plight of Gazan women starkly underscores the urgent need to re-evaluate and strengthen the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda. The international community’s failure to protect and properly support these women raises serious questions about the effectiveness of the current humanitarian frameworks. It also highlights the pressing need for a more inclusive and responsive approach. This failure is not just a matter of oversight; it represents a significant gap in the global commitment to gender equality and the protection of human rights. The WPS Agenda, which was established to ensure that women's experiences and needs are at the forefront of peace and security efforts, has fallen short in Gaza, where women continue to suffer from the devastating impacts of war with little support or recognition from the international community. As the situation in Gaza continues to deteriorate, with a deepening humanitarian crisis, global actors must take decisive action. This includes not only providing immediate protection and relief to women in conflict zones but also ensuring that their voices are heard and their rights safeguarded. Women's roles as active participants in peace processes must be fully recognised and supported. This entails moving beyond tokenistic inclusion to ensuring that women are genuinely empowered to shape peacebuilding efforts. Without such efforts, the WPS Agenda risks becoming a hollow commitment rather than a catalyst for meaningful change. The continued marginalisation of women in conflict situations like Gaza reveals the inadequacies of the current approach and the need for a more robust, action-oriented framework. Only by addressing these shortcomings can the international community hope to fulfill the promises of the WPS Agenda and ensure that it serves as a powerful tool for advancing peace, security, and gender equality worldwide. There is an urgent need for sustained efforts to transform the WPS Agenda into a true force for change in the lives of women affected by conflict.
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